Economic Governance and Globalization
Final Declaration "Linking Alternatives 2"
A World Alliance against Social Apartheid
Moving Closer toward an International Standard on Corporate Social Responsibility
Seven Leverage Points for the Passage from Economy to Œconomy
Proposals for a Fair and Sustainable Economy
The One Party Planet
The State’s Legitimacy in Fragile Situations
On the Road to a Citizens Assembly
Dialogs on Party Systems and Global Democratization
Rediscovering Nelson Mandela for the Twenty-first Century
World Charter of Free Media
What Europe does the world need?
Charter of the Peoples of the Earth
Migrants spearhead an unprecedented political-cultural battle: to open new routes to the world
Beyond 2015: Media as Democracy and Development
Post-2015: Global Action for an Inclusive and Sustainable Future
Proposals for a Fair and Democratic Architecture of Power
On the Road to Rio+20 - Proposals for a Citizen Project
People-centered Global Governance: Making It Happen!
Global Governance and the Achievement of a Universal Civil Society
Earth System Governance - The Challenge for Social Science
Oil slicks: An Ocean of Profits
Alterglobalization, a Long-term Process Leading to Alternatives
The Cosmopolitan State
Letter to our readers and to the Mandela World Liberation Front
Beyond the Growth Paradigm: Creating a Unified Progressive Politics
Videos on the Seminar "What Brazil and What Amazonia Does the World Need?"
World Governance of Ressentiment*
FASE’s Commitment to a Sustainable and Democratic Amazonia
In this article, Hahnel analyzes the historical reasons of the successes and fails of both democratic and libertarian Socialisms along the XX century, as well as the role played of the new social movement activism, as a current successor of the later one. Then, the author establishes some clues or advices related to several current progressive actors like the different economic, social, community and human rights issues, proposals, related movements, unions, and others.
Hahnel maintains a consensual perspective by deploying several arguments concerning a mutual need between reformists and radicals. They should not isolate one from the other, if they really want to constitute a plural, strong and serious alternative to the current system.
The author states that it is more important to build what is popularly known as the anti-globalization movement correctly than to have the "correct" analysis or the "correct" set of demands. Organizing opposition to corporate sponsored globalization "from the bottom up" is the right approach. Organizing all constituencies negatively affected to fight for their own interests while they learn why their own success necessarily hinges on the successes of other constituencies against whom global corporations will constantly pit them is the right approach. Working closely with third world organizations in the campaign against the global "race to the bottom" is the right approach. Adopting the "Lilliput strategy," where each constituency struggles to tie its own string to contain the "Gulliver" of global capital knowing (correctly) how weak and vulnerable its own string is without the added strength of tens of thousands of other strings, is the right approach.